Following is the first
of eight posts that examine the Common Core State Standards.
The
Common Core State Standards (CCSS), despite the word state in the title, define a national curriculum in two subject
areas: mathematics and English language arts. The new standards for students in
kindergarten through twelfth grade have the potential to profoundly affect
education across the United States. Forty-five states, the District of
Columbia, four territories, and the Department of Defense Education Activity,
which operates schools on American military installations worldwide, have
adopted them at this writing. Some states, however, are rethinking whether adoption
is a good thing.
CCSS
has generated both confusion and controversy. One way to dispel some of the
confusion is to look at the origins of these standards. They are, in fact,
merely the latest in a long line of attempts to define the purposes of education
and to establish guidelines for what student should learn.
A
starting point for the modern era is 1892. That year the National Education
Association appointed a “Committee of Ten,” composed mainly of college
presidents and led by Harvard University’s Charles Eliot. The controversy at
the time was whether high school should be seen as an end in itself or as a
preparation for higher education. The committee concluded that all schools
should maintain a single rigorous academic curriculum and that all students
should master it. This is essentially the same philosophical stance as the new
CCSS.
A shift
from this stance occurred in 1918, when the National Education Association
published the “Cardinal Principles of Secondary Education.” These principles endorsed
different curricula for different students with a focus on the whole child.
They were a reaction to the rigidity of the single-minded academic curriculum
promulgated by the Committee of Ten that was seen as detrimental, in
particular, to immigrants and a cause of the increasing dropout rate during
that era because the one-size-fits-all curriculum failed to consider the
effects of students’ socioeconomic status. Poverty disadvantages students, and
the rigid curriculum did nothing to address this problem. A more child-centered
curriculum could better take into account external issues, such as poverty.
The
next landmark occurred in 1940, with the culmination of the “Eight-Year Study”
by the Association for the Advancement of Progressive Education, which had
taken up the charge laid down by the Cardinal Principles. The study found that
students engaged in a progressive education programs fared better than their
counterparts in traditional programs. Progressive students attained better
grades, demonstrated more intellectual curiosity, and participated in more
student groups.
The
progressive wave was challenged during the national hysteria following the
Soviet launch of the Sputnik satellite in 1957, when America saw itself as
falling behind in what was emerging as the space race during the Cold War
period. In 1958 the National Defense Education Act (NDEA) was passed. This law
provided funds to states and local school districts to beef up the teaching of
mathematics, the sciences, and foreign languages. NDEA was the first major
federal initiative in public education, which was (and remains by law) largely
a state and local responsibility.
The
1960s and 1970s saw a resurgence of progressive education with many critics
decrying the traditional curriculum as a perpetuation of social inequality. The
U.S. Supreme Court in the Brown v. Board
of Education decision in 1954 had declared that state laws establishing
racially segregated schools were unconstitutional. The decision overturned the Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1896,
which had set in place a “separate but equal” doctrine that proved to be
unworkable. The Brown decision was a
tipping point for the civil rights movement that played out over the next two
decades and added impetus to the revival of progressive education.
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